As elsewhere, in Argentina was marked by increasingly militant struggles waged by workers and students, but the “Argentine 68” had its. Articles from Horacio Tarcus Published on Cairn International. Journal articles. couverture de [NUMERO_TITRE_ABREGE] · The “Argentinean May”: Readings. L’histoire de l’édition comme histoire intellectuelle: Les aléas éditoriaux de l’ œuvre d’Alberdi. in Diana Quattrochi-Woisson (dir.), Juan Bautista Alberdi et.

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For the past half century, the strength and even the existence of the First International in Latin America has remained a moot point for historians.

So weak was the documentary evidence that the Rev. Eight years later, the Chilean Marcelo Segall strove in his turn to document the existence of branches of the International in Santiago and Valparaisoonly to be given the lie by a historian of the following generation, Sergio Grez Toso, who wrote in his thesis on the genesis of socialism in Chile: In spite of its promising title, the author Plutarco Naranjo, who was not cognizant of the works of Rama and Segall, was quick tarcuss warn that he knew of no influence of the First International tarcuss Latin America outside of Ecuador.

In this paper, I will focus on the branches of the International in Mexico City, Montevideo, and Buenos Aires, for which some tarcuss evidence exists. A flyer distributed in Mexico toward the end of outlined the Statutes of the International approved by the Geneva Congress, which had called for these societies to unite.

At the bottom of this flyer could be read: By it included thousands of affiliates organized into twenty-nine associations distributed across the country.

Open to all tendencies, it regularly informed its readers about the activities of the International. Mata Rivera had evolved at the time from mutualist ideas toward a socialism with a co-operativist and reformist inclination. From anarchism, he only retained the opposition to the State and the conviction that the great act of a social liquidation would come from the will of all workers in the inauguration of a more just society.

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In Uruguay too the emergence of a mutualist movement had preceded trade organization and working class politics. Its secretary was Francisco C.

And horacii to a letter sent from Montevideo by an Internationalist named A. The Uruguayan section called a workers assembly in Montevideo on 27 June That day saw the foundation of the Regional Federation of the Oriental Republic of Uruguayalso called the Montevidean Federation it never expanded beyond the capital city.

Rather than considering the liberal government as their enemy, its authors placed themselves under its patronage.

They also advocated the organization of all workers, regardless of their religious beliefs or political positions. Guillaume mentions the surprise of the Jura federation upon discovering the existence of the so-called Montevideo branch in the pages of a Mexican weekly. Hotacio assembly also approved a Declaration of Principles, a Statute, some Regulations, a pamphlet including the ManifestoStatutes of the International penned by Marx approved at the Geneva congressthe Statutes modified by the Geneva Congress of The Statutes tarxus Regulations approved by the Montevidean Federation, which defined the functions of the committees, was quickly edited.

The last page was reserved for the registration of memberships dues. Ina newspaper entitled El Internacional. It had only two issues. In the first issue one could read: According to Rama, the Internationalists were the first to organically connect the working class of Montevideo with socialist ideas and the future of the international working class. They received tarcuus first publications of the International through this connection.


On 14 AprilFlaesch sent from Buenos Aires another, even more enthusiastic letter:. At the horacuo date 89 of us have registered; 60 new members have been presented and will be accepted at the next session. Many worker societies will soon ally themselves to us. The representative from France has declared himself amazed by what he calls our audience.

The International is in all conversations. Speeches in favor and against us have been pronounced in the masonic lodges.

The First International in Latin America

Its immediate goal was the publication of a socialist newspaper, but lacking information on the International, they expressed their desire to correspond with their European counterparts: A third letter from Fleasch on 16 July spoke of exponential growth: Flaesch assigned hooracio enormous importance to this section: The letter sent by A. Juanes to the Mexicans brothers of La Social said: Shortly thereafter a Spanish section emerged. Today, there exist in Buenos Aires three sections of the International, based on linguistic differences: Each section has its own central committee, and questions of general interest are addressed by a federal council composed of six members two for each section.

Hpracio will not speak of the difficulties that it had to overcome at the beginning. The Argentine section obtained the recognition it had requested. Le Moussu the Communard refugee who was the corresponding secretary for Latin America, sent an official notification from London to Buenos Aires on 1 July Apart from these letters, there are unfortunately no other documents concerning the Internationalists in Buenos Aires.

No file of its newspaper, El Trabajadoris known to have been preserved. The jackasses need a whipping. Among the delegates attending the fifth general Congress which took place at The Hague in Septemberwas Raymond Wilmart.

This rebellious child of Belgian aristocrats had been recruited into the International by Paul Lafargue in Bordeaux. Once the Bakuninists had been expelled, the General Council resolved to send a delegate to Buenos Aires to explain and defend the line established at The Hague and to counter the possible reactions of the goracio.

Conferencias de Thierry Grillet y Horacio Tarcus en la BNMM

This task was entrusted to Wilmart. On 13 Mayhe wrote in his first letter: Wilmart had begun distributing it in Buenos Aires. Wilmart also tarcuss any anarchist influence in the Argentine section: The young revolutionary progressively became exasperated: Wilmart sent several collections of El Trabajador to London and asked for copies of Horaio newspapers.

Two weeks later, on 27 Mayhis discouragement had become perceptible. Wilmart concluded that, apart from some French or Spanish exiles who were already politically conscious when they had arrived, the Argentina of was not yet ready for international socialism: There are too many possibilities to become a small owner and to exploit recently-arrived workers to think about acting in a certain way. When responding to his previous letter, Marx had obviously insisted on possible ties with the Bakuninists, since Wilmart reiterated: Until now, nothing has been said about Capital and I think that nobody has finished reading it, since nobody takes the time to think in this country.

In this country politics as horafio whole boils down to personalities and, in Europe, they would barely believe that there are not only rivalries between the States but also between the provinces. Without the affluence of foreigners, no progress would be possible, no one would know anything but how to ride horse. On 14 JuneWilmart sent Marx a final letter in which he described the irrepressible downturn in the Argentine sections: Things are going poorly here: Three more have just left, the daily has not appeared in the last month.


The issue that was supposed to come out tomorrow, will not appear before the 20th. Wilmart did not try to hide his uneasiness and, even worse, he saw some similarities with the crisis of the Spanish Federation. The International was now fighting against the current: He became a moderate voice within Argentine socialism and an advanced voice in jurisprudence, a partisan of international tribunals and a defender of the rights of workers and women. The Internationalists had been imprisoned for thirty-seven days.

Just like those who had formed the first French Section, they were most likely ex-Communards from the south of France who had escaped repression. Official transcripts tell us that many were artisans: The first formal session was held on 14 February They debated then the character of the association.

The journalist Stanislas Pourille, a former elected Commune member under the horracio of Blanchet, presided over the meeting, and a Blanquist, Job, acted as secretary.

tardus The third assembly perilously coincided with the anticlerical meeting. The meeting addressed an assembly of workers. They approved a manifesto redacted by Pourille that was printed in French, Italian, and Spanish, and was to be rarcus to newspapers for publication. Nevertheless, disregarding the emphasis put by the International on the constitution of the working class as a political party, an ethical dimension was here emphasized: In the middle of their fifth session taarcus Sunday, 3 Marchthey were surprised by a police raid.

This second attempt did not survive the unpleasant experience of trial tarcu prison. How may this tafcus of the Argentine sections be accounted for? First, both attempts were to some extent the by-product of the Paris Commune. Secondly, the organizational model and political actions of the International presupposed the existence of a proletariat whose formation had barely begun in the Buenos Aires ofwhere a new layer of urban workers of predominantly artisanal and mostly immigrant origin were consolidating and when starting to rehearse forms of organization of a mutualist nature.

During this decade and the next, the possibilities and expectations of upward mobility were still important. The mainstream press and elite men boasted about the absence of the Social Question in Argentina. Third, we should also consider that the conceptions and horaclo values of the French internationalists were too much at odds with the liberal, individualist, and competitive ideology that dominated civil society in Argentina at that time. Moreover, their socialism had a low grade of coherence.

But his failure to get any Communards to read the early chapters of Capital is telling. Finally, as with any relatively socially isolated group, there existed a climate of suspicion, rivalry, and division. The requests to London for reports from Flaesh and Wilmart were symptomatic in this respect.

Its cycle was to begin later, in the dual form of anarchism and socialism, with the celebration horqcio May Day in But that is another story.

Introduction For the past half century, the strength and even the existence of the First International in Latin America has remained a moot point for historians. The International in Montevideo In Uruguay too the emergence of a mutualist movement had preceded trade organization and working class politics.